Alexis and the Arizona Escapade (Camp Club Girls Book 9)


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All in all, this was a civilizing mission in the woods. They did not have paid vacations, but the work week was contracting, allowing them more time to devote to leisure pursuits. Many Fresh Air homes, for instance, rejected Jewish children whose parents insisted on kosher food. Still, settlement and welfare camps were never simply expressions of elite hegemony. When reform ideas did not meet with community approval, they were less effective. For example, many urban children were reluctant to 58 Small Islands attend playgrounds far from their own homes and ethnic enclaves.

As ethnic, immigrant, and religious minorities gained power, many founded their own summer camps.

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Ferguson legalized the segregation of African Americans in the South. In , when Hinckley included three visiting Chinese boys among his campers, his was an unusual choice that caused some consternation among his white campers. As cities grew more racially diverse, these occasional practices disappeared. Small Islands 59 For those working-class children who did attend camps, the experience offered a dramatic widening of the world.

We had a picnic Thursday and I won a prize, we are also going to have another one Monday. We are always playing ball out here. Decades before extended vacations became standard among working-class parents, many social-service organizations expressly sought out some of the least fortunate urban children, providing weeks of camping to them free of charge.


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Several inexperienced and enthusiastic young men. The group was characterized by the relative equality of all participating members. Chocorua was a hierarchical meritocracy, in this telling, where the brightest and most hard-working were most successful. For the most part, camps were deeply segregated spaces, far more effectively segregated than the urban constituencies that sponsored them.

Camps were not wholly self-contained, however, nor were the con- 60 Small Islands stituencies that they served. Each group interacted to some degree with the next. The Asquam boys played baseball against their Groton School counterparts, and boys from Andover, the elite Massachusetts boarding school, sometimes camped alongside boys from Hale House. Perhaps future president Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who as a teenager volunteered at the Groton School Camp, was inspired to contemplate poverty and opportunity.

The next summer, Moses opened a camp for his son Eugene and eleven other boys from his congregation. Originally published in Porter E. Perhaps one million children were sent to camp each summer in the s. In , when Porter Sargent began to publish his annual Handbook of Summer Camps, he estimated that about one thousand private camps were operating nationwide, 60 percent of which served boys and 40 percent girls. The organizational-camp sector was growing even more rapidly.

By one estimate, organizational camps provided vacations to , children, while private camps served only , In the late s, one study of Brooklyn youth most between the ages of twelve and sixteen found that 25 percent of the boys and Across the country, urban newspapers printed annual tributes to camps, describing the pale and lethargic city children who returned tanned and vigorous at the end of the summer. Mass culture does not, however, serve to explain the processes through which individual families found their camps.

Many camp leaders advertised very little in print sources and found their clients mainly through personal contacts and recommendations. Very few Christian-owned camps would have welcomed Mike Hessberg, for instance, nor would his parents have been likely to choose a camp outside the Northeast camping corridor.

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The family may well have known other Schroon Lake Camp clients in the neighborhood; in , Hessberg was among twenty-three Brooklyn boys attending the camp, a number of them from Flatbush. Children themselves preferred environments where they might anticipate feeling understood and appreciated. Across the generations, local networks provided a sense of security, at times perhaps too much so given that the industry was essentially unregulated. The Interwar Camp Market Private camp directors such as Isaac and Eugene Moses put considerable effort into maintaining and extending their client networks.

B on phone. Sister has boy. Phone again. Some hired counselors or took on partners, with the explicit expectation that these staff members had their own clienteles or could persuade a certain number of youth to enroll. During the school year, private camp directors wooed prospects through telephone calls and home visits.

During the camp season, they worked to consolidate these relationships. It was not unusual for Isaac and Eugene Moses to advertise their own camp as late as early June. Few camp directors in the Catskills, for instance, charged as much as those in the Berkshire Mountains of Massachusetts, the Adirondack Mountains of New York, and the Maine lake regions. Every year, some children grew too old to attend camp, and others dropped out due to lack of interest or competing summer plans.

And a thriving industry inspired competitors to try to enlist the same children. Nationally, Camp Life estimated that the number of private camps and campers fell by over a third during this same time period. Enrollments began to rise again by middecade, when the worst of the Depression had passed, and in , Eugene Moses attracted boys to his camp.

In the search for clients, youth-group and settlement-house leaders had three advantages over individuals running private camps: their fees were lower, they had year-round opportunities to build interest in camps, and active members of youth groups were already accustomed to enjoying themselves as a group. Children who participated in youth groups were far more likely than other children to attend camps.

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Most organizational camps offered fewer specialized activities and a higher ratio of campers to counselors than their private counterparts. The organizational camps are coming forward. More than a million children went to these camps this past summer. Day camps, though still relatively novel, also increased steadily in numbers in the s as organizations attempted to provide for children whose parents could not afford overnight camps.

The family was in some disarray.


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  8. An agency nurse assigned to the family insisted that Mrs. Many of their camps lacked bath tubs and showers and had no trained health personnel on site. Parents sometimes complained if their children appeared uncared for. In the winter, they sat around a kerosene stove, listening to Mrs. Stoopenkoff read stories in Russian. But in the mids, through a family connection, their daughter Lydia attended a settlement-house camp.

    In , one Brooklyn mother wrote to the Jewish Vacation Association JVA , a charitable camp clearinghouse for New York City Jews, complaining that her two children were living in desperate circumstances. Still, the JVA noted with dismay that some families successfully evaded its mandates. Working-class parents could not, however, assure their children a vacation, as the demand for free camps consistently exceeded the supply. Each year, some children signed up and underwent health exams, only to be disappointed when no space was found for a child of their age or gender.

    Early-twentieth-century boys more often participated in afterschool clubs and youth groups than did girls. Working-class girls and eldest daughters were also more likely to shoulder domestic chores such as the oversight of younger siblings, responsibilities that kept some girls in the city. For instance, Jewish girls attended camps in numbers well above the national average. Many urban Jewish parents and organizations perceived camps for both sexes as emblems of their own success, as well as a sign of their integration into American cultural practices even though many Jews attended Jewish-only camps.

    In a study of Brooklyn children in the late s, about 30 percent of Jewish and Protestant boys attended camps, but Jewish girls were more likely than their Protestant or Catholic peers to attend camps, at a rate of over 22 percent. When family honor depended on female purity, girls were kept close to home. As Americans became less religiously observant, many camp leaders adopted more ecumenical programs that stressed morals over religiosity. Although some Jewish camps and many Catholic and YMCA and YWCA camps offered intensive religious programing, religion generally became less prominent in camp culture as part of the larger trend of secularization.

    Nevertheless, Christian and Jewish children rarely mingled at private camps, bastions of greater exclusivity.

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    A small number of middle- and upper-class minority children attended elite private camps. Across the country, black children were not welcome at private, white-owned summer camps, regardless of their family income. In the South, white leaders of youth groups such as the Girl Scouts sometimes blocked African American children from joining their organizations and thus from attending their camps.

    This trend continued through the s. A number of urban black churches founded camps, but few owned their own campsites.

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    Two that did, and that became well-known in elite black circles, were Camp Atwater , founded as St. New York parents chose camps along a corridor from Pennsylvania to Maine. Southern families chose the cooler mountain air of the Smokies, the Alleghenies, and especially the mountains of western North Carolina. Most campers stayed within their region, but some private western ranch-style camps attracted wealthy easterners, and midwestern and northeastern campers also occasionally attended private camps in Ontario, Canada.

    Only parents of means could afford to send their children so far away; most chose camps closer to home and more convenient to visit during their own vacations.

    In the Northeast, New York State became the center of the national camp industry by the late s. Approximately four hundred camps were operating within its borders, just over half of which were privately run and the others organized by leaders of area youth groups and charities. In contrast, relatively few West Coast children attended camps.

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    From a camping standpoint, for instance, Washington State was blessed with many lakes, mountains, and ocean beaches. But in the decades to come, the summer camp tradition did not take hold in the same way as it had back east. For any individual family, the importance of some of these factors changed over the years. More often, families chose camps within a limited range, if they chose at all, such that their children camped with others of similar backgrounds. The Family Marketplace In an expanding industry, camp owners and advocates addressed parents as thoughtful consumers of child-centered goods and services.

    Does he perhaps need many leisure hours to follow creative impulses? Camp leaders had to decide how best to market their camps. As consumers, they had many options. How to choose? To entice and reassure parents, camp leaders tried to position themselves as objective, professional child experts. Shepard recommended Pasquaney to her.

    Alexis and the Arizona Escapade (Camp Club Girls Book 9) Alexis and the Arizona Escapade (Camp Club Girls Book 9)
    Alexis and the Arizona Escapade (Camp Club Girls Book 9) Alexis and the Arizona Escapade (Camp Club Girls Book 9)
    Alexis and the Arizona Escapade (Camp Club Girls Book 9) Alexis and the Arizona Escapade (Camp Club Girls Book 9)
    Alexis and the Arizona Escapade (Camp Club Girls Book 9) Alexis and the Arizona Escapade (Camp Club Girls Book 9)
    Alexis and the Arizona Escapade (Camp Club Girls Book 9) Alexis and the Arizona Escapade (Camp Club Girls Book 9)
    Alexis and the Arizona Escapade (Camp Club Girls Book 9) Alexis and the Arizona Escapade (Camp Club Girls Book 9)
    Alexis and the Arizona Escapade (Camp Club Girls Book 9) Alexis and the Arizona Escapade (Camp Club Girls Book 9)

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